New articles by B.Bantawa
Seat Reservation to Limbu and Tamang: A game of political equation or justice to them?
-B.Bantawa
In the present political scenario of Sikkim, seat reservation in legislative assembly has become a burning issue. If we look back to the history of Sikkim, all the seats arrangement of the state made so far reflect the spirit of the 8th May Agreement of 1973 and the resolution passed in the Indian parliament under which 371F is enshrined in the constitution with the merging of Sikkim in India in 1975. The safeguard of the interest of the Sikkimese people therefore, is the prime issue and concern in it. In accordance with the special provision and the notification of people’s representative Act, 12 assembly seats are reserved for Bhutia and Lepcha communities, one seat is reserved for Sangha or Lama, two seats for schedule caste belonging to Nepali community and the rest for general. So far, six assembly elections (except the election of 1975) in this process have been held in Sikkim and the Government is elected under this provision. If one look into the provision of the seat reservation for Bhutia and Lepcha communities, it is based on the spirit of the protection of the interest of the ethnic community of the state in the process of bringing Sikkimese people into national fold in contrast with the general provision and spirit of the constitution of India. However, Nepali community has been left in the provision and put them under general category. It is therefore, no safeguard of the interest of the Nepali community under the existing provision. As a result, any voter, whether they belong to ethnic community of Sikkim or citizen of India settled or migrated to Sikkim can contest the election from these seats. For instance, in 1985 assembly election, Mr. Balchand Sarda belonging to business community contested and won the assembly election from Gangtok constituency. The incident was an eye opener for the ethnic people of Sikkim in the political front, which made them conscious of their political right. As a result, the people desired that every political party of Sikkim must ensure that they will only field such candidate who is Sikkimese origin irrespective of general seats and communities and their commitment must envisaged in the election manifesto. However, there is still an apprehension among them. Until and unless there is no constitutional guarantee provided for them in these 17 seats, the political future for them remain under cloud.
The then king of the former Himalayan kingdom, Sikkim had provided the seat reservation to Chong or Limbu and Nepali community like Bhutia and Lepcha communities in the national assembly and therefore the seat reservation of Bhutia and Lepchaa community and Chong communities were provided under the special provision of Article 371 F of Indian Constitution. However, there is dissatisfaction and resentment in the mind of the Sikkimese people that the successive Government at center failed to understand the provision and the spirit under which circumstance the former kingdom was merged. According to their presumption, with the passage of time, the spirit and the special provision is eroded or forgotten by the successive rulers at Delhi. For instance, during the period of the change of power at the Center, when Mr. Chandra Singh the former Prime Minister came in power for short period, the provision of the seats to Limbu community was abolished and it was never restored despite the representation made by the various political parties.
Following the denial of rights to them, Limbu and Tamang communities from their various organization and political front push forward the demand for the inclusion in the schedule tribe continuously and in the process; they were included in the list ultimately.
The reason behind reservation of seats in Parliament, Assembly and Government jobs by the constitution seems to have been however forgotten and misrepresented by the politicians of the country. The very reason to safeguard the interest of the backward and tribal people of the country is to create an equal opportunity and equal interest at par with the economic and social advancement and status of other forward or advanced citizen of the country. However it seems that the main objective of the reservation policy of government have been lost and now it has become more political weapon than the motive behind it. The holders of such benefit today are therefore, more conscious of their right than their responsibility. As a result, the result-oriented and qualitative work and competition on merit is missing from the mind of our younger generation while the modern world demands more qualitative and competitive attitude from them, so that they will be fully capable to combat with any unforeseen situation that they need to tackle with in tomorrow’s world. The sentimental issue of the reservation therefore in today’s Indian politics has become an instrument for winning the election more than uplift of the have-nots and downtrodden section of the people. Sikkim, however, merging into Indian union after 28 years later since independence needs special attention in many sectors and also they need full political, social and economic protection to march ahead at par with the rest of the people of the country.
The reservation of seats for Limbu and Tamang of Sikkim in the assembly accentuated soon after their granting of status in the schedule tribe list. The moot point here is that how they can be adjusted from 17 general seats out of existing 32 seats in total in Sikkim assembly? Justice delayed is justice denied, the old maxim applies here. Even if they were given the justice today, though delayed, what about rights of other similar communities? Kirat Rai Khambu and Limbu as history says are from same stock and many of their habits, customs and traditions intermingle, although it is distant reality in course of time today. Similarly Gurung, Sunuwar, Manger and others belong to same category i.e. tribal in nature having their own identity. They are left from the list and therefore their rights are also left for time being hoping that they will be brought into it in the future.
Recently, Chief Minister Pawan Chamling led delegation of all the MLAs from ruling SDF party to New Delhi and put forward the demands to the center government for the increase of existing assembly seats from 32 to 40 vis-ÃÆ’ -vis reservation of seats to Limbu and Tamang community in the assembly. Hopefully, the increase of seat can solve the problem at the present political context. Chamling too has expressed optimism over the issue and said all will be well in the end. The political parties therefore must not make it the issue to get the credit out of it, but look forward for political future of the state and the country as a whole. It is not only the question of their political equation but the question of the justice of the people too, which was denied so far.
It will be therefore a wise gesture on part of the center leadership to solve this problem while maintaining the peace and tranquility of the state and old aged communal harmony of the state. Sikkim a strategic Himalayan state of India needs political stability and development in all fronts.
Gokhaland or 8th Schedule: Demands Ghishingh
-B.Bantawa
While the Center is looking for an alternative solution to put the end of present stalemate on the issue of the power and function and election of the Darjeeling hill council, the people are still craving for separate statehood, the only solution for them.
After running Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council (DGHC) for almost 18 years and more, the Chief Executive, Mr. Subash Ghisingh realized that DGHC could no longer fulfill the hopes and aspiration of the people of Darjeeling and Indian Gorkha. He declared that until and unless there would be no fresh talks and review of accord and transfer of power, there would be no more DGHC election. For him, DGHC was a closed chapter since the State Government failed on several accounts to fulfill its promises and to live up to the expectation of the hill people as per the accord. There were series of dialogue in the last several occasions with the representatives of state Government on the issue of power about DGHC but the dialogue could not bring any fruitful result and ended in fiasco. Confrontation over the power and function of DGHC continued for a long period between DGHC and West Bengal. Sensing no outcome to such dialogue, Mr. Ghishing again expressed deep anguish over the alleged delaying tactics on bureaucratic level and he sought direct intervention of Government of India on the issue and asked for political solution for good. Ultimately, sensing the serious deadlock over the issue and the threatening from DGHC Supremo Ghishingh, the home ministry called a tripartite meeting some months ago in New Delhi in which Home Minister Mr. Shivaraj Patel and Mr. Buddhadev Bhattacharya, the Chief Minister of West Bengal were present along with Mr. Subhas Ghisingh. That time, Ghisingh was optimistic over the outcome and said that even if his main demand was the creation of Gorkhaland, the separate statehood, he would be agreed if the Centre would consider the status of DGHC and extends the provision under 6th schedule of the constitution and gives constitutional guarantee by extending such provision in the hill at the moment.
Following the dialogue, it comes to learn that the center, state and Ghisingh are agreed on one issue that the solution must be found out immediately to remove the present stalemate. However, the main confrontation still seems to be remaining in tantrum regarding the jurisdiction of Darjeeling hill. The DGHC Chief (Now acting chief Executive) further wants the expansion of the region including part of Siliguri and Dooars. It appears that the center government is finding out the possible solution on the confronted issue and the procedure of the provision of 6th schedule that could be extended. While the debate is going on and the ball is rolling on center’s court, it is noteworthy that how the Gorkhaland movement started and what progress made by Gorkha National Democratic Front (GNLF) party led by its leader Mr. Subash Ghising during two decade of its struggle.
It is to be noted here that the Indian Gorkhas have contributed significantly during and post independence period for the liberation of the country from foreign domination. There were many martyr and unsung heroes who had sacrificed their lives for their motherland. Among them, the then British Government at Red fort, Delhi hanged martyr Durga Malla to death for taking part in independence struggle under the banner of Aajad Hind Fauj. Many other unknown Gorkha heroes followed his suit and sacrificed for the sake of the motherland. Due to the effort and continuous struggle by all the freedom fighter, India became independent from the British regime ultimately in 1947. All the states, small and big came into existence but the Indian Gorkhas were left unheeded. They felt that they were still under the clutches and domination of landlord and colonial power of Bengal.This is because of their lack of leadership in the national level. Although Mr. Ari Bahadur Gurung was one of the signatory in the draft committee of the Constitution of India and Mr. Theodore Manen from Darjeeling was the first General Secretary of All India Congress (I) Committee during Nehru’s regime from Gorkha community, no national political leadership thought for the future of Indian Gorkhas. As a result, there was no proper representation of Indian Gorkha in any state assembly and parliament. Although, there are an estimated number of 20 millions Indian Gorkhas living and settling since a long time, they are not in a geographically contagious area and hence scattered all over India. It was a main factor for them not to be remaining in politically integrated force and fight for their cause. However, they are densely populated and inhabited in Darjeeling, Sikkim, Assam and Dehardun.
Another great fallout about their identity and existence in India was due to the presence of citizens from Nepal under an agreement of 1957. Mr. Subash Ghisingh therefore advocated the abrogation or the amendment of treaty in his political campaign that drew large audience in the agitation of 1986 and ultimately, he was succeeded to garner the support from the people in this political movement under the banner of Gorkha National Liberation Front (GNLF) which he founded on April 5, 1980.
Some of the leader like Damber Singh Gurung, Ratan Lall Brahman and others raised the voice in the assembly and parliament and other leaders also spoke from their different political platform in the last several decades, but there voices did not reach in national level due to many shortcomings. Even the political bigwigs put their demands in cold storage for many years. As a result, the minority Gorkha community in India particularly the working class in various tea gardens of Darjeeling hill and Dooars regions were suppressed and their demands were crushed and trampled down by the successive Government and authority of West Bengal. The horrible scene of the brutal killings of many innocent tea workers at Margarette Hope tea estate by police firing in 1955 is the glaring example of the suppression of the voice of the people by powerful leader of Bengal in a democratic country like India. There are other innumerable incidents that took place in many tea gardens and other part of the country in which the Indian Gorkhas were behaved inhumanely and tortured mentally and physically by their fellow citizens on the allegation that they are from foreign soil. Even if they are from Nepal and citizen of Nepal, Indo-Nepal Treaty of 1950 allows them to come in India and Indian citizen can go Nepal and vice-versa on reciprocal basis but the so called protectors and anti-national element grossly violated the provision too and Gorkhas, whether they are Indian or Nepalese national, were thrown out from Meghalaya, Assam and other part of the country. All these incidents and inhumane behavour led to volcanic eruption in 1980, When Mr. Subhas Ghisingh formed his GNLF party and launched agitation for the demand of separate statehood that gained momentum slowly. The people watched and observed his commitment and sincerity towards the movement from the very out set.
He talked to this media person in 1982 in Darjeeling and his statement was published in Sikkim Express under the headline of “No Sikkim-Darjeeling merger” where he declined the issue of merging Darjeeling into Sikkim state as an option for Gorkhaland. He made it clear that Sikkim cannot safeguard the interest of Indian Gorkhas since there are ethnic problems of Bhutia, Lepcha and Nepali community in that state. He even emphasized that Sikkim rather could be merged into Darjeeling but Darjeeling could not be merged into Sikkim.
Mr. Ghishingh further had declared in the speech, “anybody couldn’t suppress the movement of Gorkhaland nowhere, because it became the issue of all Indian Gorkhas. We are demanding the separate statehood within the framework and under the provision of Article 3 A of Indian constitution, but Bengal government is trying to put hurdle by declaring the movement as a movement of secessionist at par with Sikh’s Khalistani movement, but we want separate state and we want to be separated from Bengal domination and live in India as a true patriotic citizen of India. Bengali people have their Bengal state, Bihari people have their Bihar and similarly, Naga people have their Nagaland as their home state, but when we raise our demand for Gorkhaland, how we became secessionist and communal?” He raised the issue of Sugauli treaty and said that the Indian Gorkha has come to India with their land under the treaty and therefore they are totally Indian. “It is better to die than to live in Bengal, because Bengal is our graveyard.” He said and the slogan was painted all over the walls of Darjeeling in late 1980. He even criticized the provision of Indo- Nepal treaty referring Article 7 which says: The Government of India and Nepal agree to grant, on RECIPROCAL basis to the National of one country in the territories of the other the same privileges in the matter of residence, ownership of the property, participation in trade and commerce, movement and other privilege of similar nature. According to Ghisingh, this provision has adversely affected the political right and prospects of Indian Gorkha and therefore, the government of India and government of Nepal must abrogate or amend the treaty. Day by day, the GNLF movement gained ground by the mass support of the hill people, but the State and center Government failed to realize the ground reality and started to suppress the popular voice of the people.
The West Bengal police in connivance with central reserved police force(CRPF) indulged in gross human right violation in the hill, the first incident being the cold-blooded murder of many innocent persons in Kalimpong on July 27, 1986. Following the successive failure by the Bengal government to tackle the law and order situation in the hill, the center government ultimately was forced to intervene on the issue. The 40 days long strike was observed in the hill in 1987 and people totally supported the movement. National media was more or less biased in all these incidents. Those were the days when there were no more effectiveness of electronic media and channel as we witness today. Hired goons in the regions threatened the local journalists to death who were in print media in a few numbers.
It was in the early year of 1987 that Mr. Subash Ghisingh visited the capital of Sikkim and hold press conference. While talking to media person, he stressed that as the patient admitted in the hospital needs medicine and not Horlicks to be fully cured, so we want Gorkhaland, a separate statehood since a council does not solve the problem of the hill people. Gorkhaland is only the Hobson’s choice, he asserted. It was in the early agitation period that the former Prime Minister late Rajiv Gandhi also paid visit to Darjeeling and praised the contribution of the Gorkhas for making the country free from foreign domination. However, he did not utter a single word about the issue of Gorkhaland and the hill people. Following pressure of agitation, the Former Home Minister Mr. Buta Singh sent communication to Mr. Subash Ghisingh for tripartite meeting and invited him for dialogue in New Delhi. After much debate and speculation, the Darjeeling accord was signed in which Mr. Subash Ghishingh was compelled to drop the demand of Gorkhaland, a separate statehood. He was then convinced that after granting the citizenship right to Indian Gorkhas and the status of Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council, they would be given justice as per the letter and spirit of the accord. It was his political immaturity to believe the leaders of the country and after running it for three consecutive terms and more, Mr. Ghisingh felt betrayed, as it could not function properly because of paucity of fund and power and alleged non-co-operation and apathy from West Bengal Government. The opposition parties in the hill criticized severely on the failure of the DGHC in the past several occasions. The people of the hill also realized that DGHC was not the substitute of a separate statehood. Mr. Ghisingh urged the center to review the accord for many a times. It was during the regime of Bharatiya Janata Party led coalition government at Cener that he was invited by the then Home Minister, Mr. Lall Krishna Advani. After the dialogue, he returned from Delhi via Pankhabari Road to Darjeeling where he was attacked by unidentified gunmen at Satghumti, Pankhabari Road and critically wounded. Later the prime suspect Mr. Chatrey Subba who was allegedly masterminded the attack on the life of Mr. Ghishing and others were arrested for the attack. This incident created a setback for the possible review of the accord, since it was again thrown in cold storage by the center and West Bengal.
Soon after completing the third term, Mr. Ghisingh raised issue of the constitutional status of DGHC and maintained that there will be no more DGHC election until and unless constitutional safeguard is provided for it. Mr. Ghishing even said that he would revive the Gorkhaland agitation if the center turned it’s ear deaf on this grave issue and continuously ignore the genuine demands of Indian Gorkhas.
Lately, the dialogue and tripartite meeting has been started at the center, however, the question of solving the problem still remains at large. The possible option seeking at the moment is accord of the 6th schedule status to the people of Darjeeling, but the people are still craving for the creation of a separate statehood as they think that it will solve their problem for good. The champion of the cause of the separate statehood in the hill is making the point to the center that when Government can consider the case of Jharkhand, Uttaranchal and Chatisgarh without any much hurdle, why the case of Darjeeling hill was sidelined? Why the Indian Gokhas are left unheeded? They have their reasons to ask the demands that the Indian Gokhas have participated in freedom struggle and contributed a lot, but even after the 58th year of country’s independence, they are still neglected.
Whether the center will concede their demand or make any alternative arrangement or opt for wait and watch policy about the whole affairs of Darjeeling, only time will tell. At the moment, the center leadership needs to tackle the issue sincerely since the insurgency of North East and the moist rebels of neighboring country Nepal can haunt and spread their activities in this strategic location of Darjeeling hill in the future taking the advantage of the situation prevailing there at the moment. For the interest of the country, the matter must not be kept in abeyance for a long time, since there is every possibility of spreading it as an incurable chronic disease forever for the country. The successive failure to hold DGHC election can jeopardize the interest of the people of Darjeeling and ultimately the democratic system of the country as a whole. As a spark if neglected burns the houses of all, so the problem of the boarder region if left unheeded can be a great problem for the nation. It must be therefore nipped in the bud before it will be too late to tackle.
The Kirat Khambo Rai of Sikkim, their Lifestyle and custom at a glance
By Bijay Bantawa
H.H. Risley in his book, “The Gazetteer of Sikkim (1884) while reflecting the total population of Sikkim, mentioned ‘Rai’ , ‘Khambu’ and ‘Jimdar’ as different communities but in reality these names mean a single community which is now, popularly known as Rai community. Rai is and was also known as Kirata, Khambu and Jimdar . The term Kirata has a wider connotation and the term is also found in Puran, Upadnishad or the old vedhas and it covers Rai, Limbu, Sunwar, Gurung, Manger, Tamang and other but presently only Rai community uses this term. As per the census of Sikkim in 1884 , the total strength of Rai community was in third position, but Mr. Risley put it at random owing to the reason mentioned already. Still majority of Rai people reside in many parts of the state. They are mainly concentrated in South and West District of the state.
Festival: In this former Himalayan kingdom, the Rai people used to perform Sakewa puja from ancient time in the villages of the state but following the recognition of their language by the ruling SDF Government, the people began to perform the puja in grand manner. Indeed, the state Government has declared Sakewa as state holiday.
The Rai People are gentle, simple by nature and hard working that worship nature as their creator and protector. They call themselves Khambu, Kirawa or Rothungcha. They were and are mainly cultivators who love to live in the hilly region and consider themselves as the offspring of Paruhang ( Kirateswar, the God) who is also believed to have been dwelled in the himalaya. The fact that they are worshipper of the nature is reflected by their folk dance called Sakewa Sili still popular, which are annually observed coinciding with Sakewa, the day of offering puja to earth wishing good cultivation before sowing the seeds of paddy or other food grains. In fact, Sakewa is a great festival of all Rai people. Sakewa is also known as Sakela among the community. In a way, it is performing the Bhumi puja or prayer on the soil before sowing the seeds on the land. Usually the Rai community observes two great festivals called Ubyowli before cultivating the land and thereby sowing the seeds and Udyowli before harvest. The Pasibey or Mangpa perform the Sakewa puja on the soil dancing with his followers around a Sakewa lung or Sakewa stone. One person beat the hongken, a drum loudly and people come out of their houses bringing materials for puja. At last, there will be a large congregation in a plain area particularly down the hilltop, where they perform puja offering flowers, gingers etc. to the God and pray for well being of all the living creature of the world. Thereafter they sing the song called sili cham and perform dance called Sakewa Sili. In this dance, the group of male and female hold their hands together and sing and dance. The dance symbolizes the spirit of their togetherness, fraternity and above all the feeling of joy closed to the nature. The dance is usually performed for praying good harvest in the coming season. In a way, the Sakewa puja and dance also symbolize the close relationship between man and nature and their coexistence. The people start sowing and cultivating only after performing puja of the soil without which they believe, there will be no good harvest and also danger to the life of the people around. This is their firm belief and tradition that without which it is considered unholy to cultivate the land. After performing puja, they distribute wachipa, a kind of food made out of rice and other ingredients like chicken or ashes of feathers of hen or cock which is mildly bitter in taste but very popular among them. Pure vegetarian Wachipa is cooked up nowadays by mixing mildly bitter ingredient.
The Rai community in their houses also observes the Sakewa. In their houses, they specially construct a room for puja and install three stones (called sum lung, sum means three, lung means stone) making a hearth called Samkha. Each lung or stones have their own names called Suptulung, Taralung, Shakhalung (others Rai of sub-caste call them by their own names). While performing puja, they lit the fire in the furnace and call the names of their forefathers and offer food grains, millet, ginger, water etc. The water is used in a pot called Wabuk or Salawa, which is made out of a kind of dried fruit of a plant. Most of the Rai people in ancient time used to perform puja basically offering meat etc. in the name of their forefathers but the new generation discarded most of the primitive kind of offering puja. The people of Tikpur, West Sikkim and Daragaon, Rimbik, Darjeeling perform puja by reciting and chanting words from their holy book Sunghoom and beat the drum. If they have to organize a religious ceremony in the village, they hit the drum called Hongken and Siliken loudly and soon the people gather on hearing the sound. If some one is working on the field, they are duty bound to rush before the congregation . In ancient times, when there is any trouble or threat, they used to beat the instrument loudly and people used to gather within no time.
The beating of Hongken and Chamukhi or Jhyamta is one of the interesting feature of performing Sakewa puja and Sili. It marks the new season and new beginning among the people. They even exchanged foods among themselves.
Various Customs: In the past, for several generations, their rituals like birth, death and marriage ceremonies used to be performed according to Mundum, Rishimi or Thuturi Bedh which is unwritten custom but usually practiced and followed by generation from generation learning by heart from ones speech and utterance. However, it has been available in book form also which is called Dowangdum Samkaling and Sumhung. Sumhung especially concerned with religious rites of Rai community while Dowangdum Samkaling deals with the various rituals like birth, death, marriage, prayer and other social functions. When a male child is born, the Nangyug or name giving ceremony is performed within six to ten days and if a female child is born, the ceremony takes place within 5 to 9 days. When the son attains the age of 3,6,8,10, the hair cutting ceremony Sawachao Tangkhama Kopsam Dowandum or Chewar takes place in an auspicious day. The maternal uncle performs all the rites on such occasion. After cutting the hair by maternal uncle, a new dress, new Rai cap are worn to the son and Tika ( a kind of putting spot on the forehead made out of raw rice and curd) is put as a symbol of blessing the son. Blessing is given by means of Mundum ( a kind of recital of words). When a daughter attains the age of seven, special and auspicious day is chosen in order to perform a ritual called Chekucha Tanfey Yamloangpasa or dress wearing ceremony of daughter. Her mother wears the dresses like Gunyu, Choli, and Lacha to daughter.
Marriage: Marriages are of four kinds of which two kinds are practiced nowadays. The kinds of marriage are love marriage( in which boy and girl are agreed to merry without the consent of their parents), arranged marriage( boy and girl are agreed to merry with the consent of their parent), force marriage and marriage by coax. These two last marriages are not in practice now or rarely happen. Love and arranged marriage have now become usual feature and accepted concept by majority. Kongpi Watong plays the dominant role in all the marriage ceremony. Kongpi means the middleman between the two party socially appointed by the parents of bride and groom at least two numbers in each. If the bride is married without the consent of her parent, it is considered theft (love) marriage. Under such circumstance, the Kongpi must inform the parents and relatives of the bride in three days and if fails to do so, traditional and social punishment can be imposed on them. Pacha or the offspring from father side and Samet or the offspring from the mother side are considered before matching the marriage ceremony. If Pacha and Samet are not the same, only the society can give permission to merry, otherwise, their marriage cannot be performed since they are considered the one family their forefathers and fore mothers being the same. If somebody does such marriage by mistake, it is considered sin. In the case, even the seven or more generation as in the case of others cannot be considered. Once, they are sister and brother, it will continue to be so from generation to generation. When the Pacha and Samet Cases are resolved, only then the marriage ceremony can be performed and accordingly the Kongpichi can put forward their proposal for ritual for further process. Both the party marks an auspicious day and final wedding can take place fully and ultimately. There is no dowry system in Rai community, instead, the groom party must bring some items as a custom demanded by Kongpi and Watong ( the brothers from bride side). The custom is known as Salgkhek. It is mandatory to give some gift to the bride but it is not customary. Henkhuwadhanma or Wakdan ( final word of giving hand of bride to the groom) is an important part of wedding ceremony. The Gajihang or the father and brother and watong or the uncles of bride congregate in front of Samkha which is a kind of furnace made out of three sharp pieces of stone. Kongpi and other village elders must be present there. The groom party must place all the items required for solemnizing the wedding in front of Samkha and must request for the wakdan, the final permission from the Gajihang or the parent of the bride with folded hands and full custom. The parent, watong and all the relative of bride ask the questions to the groom party whether they are committed to take and care the bride for ever and no complaint will be made later on. If they will get answer in affirmative and firm commitment and fully satisfied, only then the final word or wakdan will be conceded and thus the bride is given to their hand for ever and the warm farewell is given to the bride and send to her in-laws with the wedding party, the next day.
Death ritual- Since there are as many as 34 sub castes among the Rai community, the death rituals are performed in various ways and customs. Generally, the Rai community performed the ritual of deceased person by burying the dead body. Before lifting the dead body towards the crematorium ground, about 11 items have to be procured for rituals. There are Chaforak ( dried rice packed into the leaf of banana), Bahakalak ( cooked rice without spooning it which must be kept into an earthen pot called Harhi), Sumka Mitapuluk or three sticks of burnt firewood) Kengsing or the carrier of dead body made of green bamboo), white or yellow cloth, wahichek or chick, langwat or a kind of leaf used in making roof of village house, bow and arrow instantly made out of bamboo, a mana or ten handfuls of rice packed into a cloth, some coins ( these are thrown with raw rice at the time of carrying dead body and the coin is also used while buying the land before burying the body), water or wine put into a vessel called Chongey made out of bamboo. The arrows are thrown thrice from the bow for the sake of peace of the deceased person and the dead body is put and carried in the Kengsing after duly covering the body with white or yellow cloth and sewed by the thread of the bamboo. It is taken in the burial place and after performing ritual, the body is buried. The relative of deceased observed total sorrow and for the peace of departed soul, salt, oil, meat, wine etc. are abandoned by the members and relatives of the deceased family till the date of final ritual. In case, the deceased is child, the last rite will take place at third days and if it is young or old, the ritual takes place within 5 to 7 days. Some Rais also perform the last rite according to their belief, but nowadays, they are stressing on uniformity of their custom and tradition. The Rai community believes that if the deceased person is in peace and reside in their house, particularly in a prayer room, called samkha, they bless them with prosperity.
The traditional musical instruments of the community are Siliken, Hongken, Sumniken, Paruken and Chenbiken , all of them are a kind of drum, which are played in different occasions. For example, Siliken is played for dance, Hongken is played during great festival and Sumniken and Paruken are played during puja.
Costumes and dresses: The Rai girls and women wear Tangfey or Fariya, Loklak or Choli,Tangrima, a kind of scarf put on just above the forehead and Phopma(sawl). They wear precious ornaments like Nathen, Nabit on nose made of Gold, Natip on the ear, Paruwa, Wai and Sayamnat round the neck and brace, Waichuk on hand Langkungma on feet which are made of Gold. Paruwa is made of silver. Sayamsang or Pagari is an important dress given to the head of the Kirat Rai Community especially on the occasion of great festivity, which is put on the head like crown. The male Rai wear langsup( Suruwal), lakyum( Daura), Phenga (East Coat) etc. They use Talek(bow), Bhey( arrow), Bichan ( sword), Wangcheng( seal), Dabi, Komwitcha etc. as their traditional weapons.
The Community is expert in arts and crafts. The make many household items out of bamboo and also wood. They have earned name in stone carving, music, literature and various fields. A glaring example of stone carving is by a septuagenarian Lal Prasad Rai, who, in his consummate artistic skill was able to carve many statues of God and Goddesses in Sikkim and Darjeeling. He has even carved a statue of God Paruhang or Kirateswar installed in Baiguney, along side of Jorethang and Legship road of West Sikkim. The statue of Hanuman carved on the wall stone in front of temple at Hanuman tok, Gangtok is his small piece of work.
The majority Rai people in Sikkim speak in Kulung Rai, Chamling Rai and Bantawa Rai. Kulung Rai is spoken in Assam Lingzey, Zoom and in many other places of Sikkim while Chamling Rai is spoken in Regu and other part of the state. Bantawa Rai is spoken in Rolep, Lingdum and many other parts of the state. Bantawa Rai is their lingua franca and recognized as one of the state language as Rai language. In most of the places of Darjeeling, the main link language among the Rai community is Bantawa language. Their language is common in many respects and unified by making them as synonym. They use common script originally designed by
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